Next month, UN member states will gather to negotiate what might be the most important international agreement you’ve never heard of: the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT). In a world with tight international regulation of everything from apples to iPods, it’s hard to believe there are no global controls on the international arms trade. The ATT seeks to remedy this by establishing common minimum standards for international arms transfers.
As appeared in The Dominion Post, June 20, 2012
Next month, UN member states will gather to negotiate what might be the most important international agreement you’ve never heard of: the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT). In a world with tight international regulation of everything from apples to iPods, it’s hard to believe there are no global controls on the international arms trade. The ATT seeks to remedy this by establishing common minimum standards for international arms transfers.
The irresponsible trade in conventional arms and ammunition is destroying people’s lives and livelihoods in conflict areas across the world. Guns in the hands of criminals and warlords are responsible for widespread human rights abuses. Globally, an estimated 2000 people die from armed violence each day. In developing countries, including some of our close Pacific neighbours, the impact of armed violence has been devastating. The Bougainville conflict claimed thousands of lives and, more recently, the Solomons suffered from armed insurrection and Fiji faced political upheaval from the actions of just seven gunmen in the 2000 coup d’état. Access to just a small number of weapons can devastate entire communities.
Armed violence drains economic resources and diminishes prospects for development. A dollar spent on arms in a poor country is a dollar not spent on education or health. Meanwhile, the presence of armed conflict is a major deterrent to foreign direct investment. Oxfam estimates armed conflict costs Africa US$18 billion per year – roughly equivalent to the international aid it receives. Armed conflicts are expensive for the countries that respond to them; New Zealand is the second largest contributor to the ongoing Regional Assistance Mission to the Solomon Islands (RAMSI), estimated to have cost over AUD$1 billion as of 2009. Controls over guns and the prevention of armed violence are far cheaper than military intervention and peacekeeping afterwards.
Globally, an estimated 2000 people die from armed violence each day
Currently there are a number of regional and sub-regional regulatory frameworks in place for arms transfers. However, a recent Oxfam report shows that since 2000, more than US$2.2 billion worth of arms have been exported to countries placed under UN arms embargoes. It’s clear established regulatory frameworks are not effectively controlling the illicit arms trade. Arms dealers will always follow the path of least resistance, exploiting gaps and loopholes in patchwork regulations, rendering them obsolete.
Exploitation of loopholes has allowed illicit arms dealers to even tarnish New Zealand’s international reputation. In 2009, Thai authorities intercepted a plane en route to Iran from North Korea, leased by a New Zealand-registered shell company and containing a 35-tonne cache of conventional weapons. This incident linked our pacifist nation to one of the biggest international arms trafficking cases of 2009 – one that might have been avoided if an ATT with effective brokering controls were in place.
The ineffectiveness of existing regulations demands a comprehensive and robust ATT from the UN negotiations in July. The proposed treaty maintains states’ rights to acquire arms for self-defence, while seeking to prevent arms transfers if they are likely to aggravate conflict, perpetuate human rights abuses or diminish prospects for sustainable development. If the ATT is to be effective and comprehensive, it must encompass these criteria.
In order for the treaty to be effective, it must be have a broad scope and have effective reporting and transparency measures. This means regulating the trade of all conventional weapons systems and armaments, from naval vessels and aircraft to small arms and light weapons. Crucially, the ATT must also regulate the transfer of ammunition. Strictly regulating the transfer of ammunition is pivotal to combating the illegal arms trade; without access to new ammunition, armed conflict cannot continue.
Support for the ATT among UN member states is mixed and New Zealand has a chance to emerge as a leader. The vast majority of states – including major weapons exporters – have thrown their weight behind the ATT, but a vocal minority of states with vested interests have the ability to derail the talks. New Zealand’s track record at the negotiations places it proudly as a steadfast supporter and proponent of the treaty. Within this sphere of diplomacy, New Zealand has a voice disproportionate to our size and our influence on other matters.
In the absence of leadership from states like New Zealand, already respected in the disarmament field, this historic opportunity will be squandered. We are in an ideal position to stand against skeptical states preferring the status quo.
Perhaps most importantly, we have a duty to our Pacific neighbours to negotiate a worthwhile ATT. As a member (and this year as Chair) of the Pacific Islands Forum, New Zealand has signed up to numerous declarations in support of regional security cooperation. These negotiations are a chance for us to make good on our promises to protect the security of our region, to acknowledge its tragic history of armed violence and ensure it remains history. The interests of unscrupulous arms dealers must not be allowed to prevail over the interests of struggling communities and families in the Pacific and around the world.
